Child Care Costs are High and Going Up

Parents and the High Cost of Child Care: 2012 Report presents 2011 data reflecting what parents pay for full-time child care in America. It includes average fees for both child care centers and family child care homes. Information was collected through a survey conducted in January 2012 that asked for the average costs charged for child care for infants, 4-year-old children and school-age children in child care centers and in family child care homes in every state. The information was provided by State Child Care Resource and Referral (CCR&R) Network offices and local agencies that maintain data about child care programs in the communities they serve, or it was drawn from the most recent state market rate surveys.

Child Care Costs are High

* In 2011, the average annual cost of full-time child care for an infant in a center ranged from about $4,600 in Mississippi to nearly $15,000 in Massachusetts. * In 2011, the average annual cost of full-time child care for a 4-year-old in a center ranged from about $3,900 in Mississippi to nearly $11,700 in Massachusetts. * In 2011, the average annual cost of before- and/or after-school center-based care for a school-age child ranged from about $1,950 in Mississippi to nearly $11,000 in New York.

* In 2011, the average annual cost of care for an infant in a family child care home ranged from about $4,500 in South Carolina to nearly $10,400 in New York. * In 2011, the average annual cost of care for a 4-year-old in a family child care home ranged from about $4,100 in South Carolina to about $9,600 in New York. * The average annual cost for before-and/or after-school care in a family child care home for a school-age child in 2011 ranged from about $1,800 in Mississippi to just over $9,500 in New York.

Costs are High Compared to Family Income

* In 40 states and the District of Columbia, the average annual cost of center-based infant care exceeded 10 percent of the state’s median income for a two-parent family.

Costs are High Compared to Household Expenses

* Center-based child care fees for an infant exceeded annual median rent payments in 22 states and the District of Columbia.

* Center-based child care fees for two children (an infant and a 4-year-old) exceeded annual median rent payments in all 50 states and the District of Columbia. * Center-based child care fees for two children exceeded housing costs for homeowners with a mortgage in 20 states and the District of Columbia.

Child Care Costs are High Compared to College Costs

* In 35 states and the District of Columbia, the average annual cost for center-based care for an infant was higher than a year’s in-state tuition and related fees at a four-year public college. Even for 4-year-olds, the average annual cost of centerbased care was higher than public college tuition and fees in 19 states and the District of Columbia.

Least-Affordable States for Child Care

The report ranks the 10 least-affordable states for care in a center, based on the cost of child care as a percentage of the state median income for a two-parent family. The 10 least-affordable states for full-time infant care in a center in 2011 were New York, Minnesota, Oregon, Colorado, Hawaii, Kansas, California, Illinois, Massachusetts, Indiana and Wisconsin.

The least-affordable states for full-time care for a 4-year-old in a center in 2011 were New York, Minnesota, Wisconsin, Oregon, Vermont, Colorado, Kansas, Massachusetts, Indiana, Maine and Rhode Island.

Children Need Quality Child Care, Especially in Tough Economic Times

Even though experts say the recession is officially over, families are still feeling the lingering effects. The slow recovery makes paying for child care difficult for parents. CCR&R agencies report that some parents are removing their children from licensed programs to informal child care settings to better make ends meet. These options may be less expensive, but they are of unknown quality. There is no check for basic health and safety standards and other practices that promote healthy child development in child care settings that are not licensed.

The high cost of child care forces parents to make difficult decisions. Parents want quality child care for their children. Unfortunately, safety, health and school readiness comes at a cost that many parents cannot afford.

Child Care Financing Challenges

The cost of child care is largely borne by parents. Unlike the cost of higher education, there is no system of public financing to help make child care more affordable for families. The federal government provides grants to states through the Child Care and Development Block Grant (CCDBG). States use these funds to subsidize the monthly cost of child care for low-income families. About 1.7 million children receive assistance,1 about one out of every six eligible children.

About one-fifth of the children receiving assistance through CCDBG each month are in unregulated settings.3 In 10 states, the most recent data4 shows that 30 percent or more of the children who receive CCDBG assistance are in unlicensed care. In three states (Hawaii, Michigan and Oregon), more than half of the children receiving assistance are in unlicensed care.

The CCDBG law does not require the use of licensed care for families who receive assistance. The reality is that the quality of unlicensed care is unknown because unlicensed care is not required to meet licensing standards (e.g., basic health and safety standards, minimum training requirements for providers or background checks). Some states have minimum requirements for providers who receive taxpayer dollars to care for children, but those requirements are usually below licensing standards. Also, unlicensed care is not subject to regular inspections.

This means that public funds are being used to pay for low- or unknown quality child care settings for children.

States conduct market rate surveys to assess the cost of care within communities. Although states are required by law to conduct a market rate survey every other year, they are not required to use the survey to establish subsidy payment rates. This means that state-determined subsidy rates often do not reflect the current cost of child care in communities. At the same time that parents struggle to afford child care, studies show that the quality of care (despite the high cost) is mediocre in many communities. Most states have weak training requirements even though research shows that training is one of the most important indicators of quality.

You have read this article with the title . You can bookmark this page URL https://universosportinguista.blogspot.com/2012/09/child-care-costs-are-high-and-going-up.html. Thanks!

Higher Education: Gaps in Access and Persistence Study,

The primary focus of the Higher Education: Gaps in Access and Persistence Study is to examine gaps in educational participation and attainment between male Blacks, Hispanics, Native Hawaiians/Pacific Islanders, and American Indians/Alaska Natives and their female counterparts and to examine gaps between males in these racial/ethnic groups and White males. The secondary focus of the report is to examine overall sex and racial/ethnic differences. In addition to these descriptive indicators, this report also includes descriptive multivariate analyses of variables that are associated with male and female postsecondary attendance and attainment.

Postsecondary attendance rates are generally lower for youth from lower socioeconomic backgrounds and those from various racial/ethnic groups (e.g., Blacks and Hispanics) when compared to Whites and Asians (Aud et al. 2011). In 2010, as in every year since 1980, a lower percentage of male than female 18- to 24-year-olds were enrolled either in college or graduate school (39 vs. 47 percent). This pattern was also observed for Whites (43 vs. 51 percent), Blacks (31 vs. 43 percent), Hispanics (26 vs. 36 percent), American Indians (24 vs. 33 percent), and persons of two or more races (40 vs. 49 percent). In addition to college enrollment differences, there are gaps in postsecondary attainment for males and females. For instance, among first-time students seeking bachelor’s degrees who started full time at a 4-year college in 2004, a higher percentage of females than males completed bachelor’s degrees within 6 years (61 vs. 56 percent)—a pattern that held across all racial/ethnic groups.

This report documents the scope and nature of a number of differences between sex and racial/ethnic groups in education preparation and achievement as well as differences in postsecondary access, persistence, and attainment between males and females within and across racial/ethnic groups. The report presents indicators that include the most recently available, nationally representative data from NCES, other federal agencies, and selected items from the ACT and the College Board. The report draws on multiple sources that represent different years and different populations.

Demographic Context

Children in Poverty and Language Minorities

In 2010, some 21 percent of children under age 18 were living in poverty, and the poverty rate for children living with a female parent with no spouse present was 44 percent. The poverty rate for children living with a female parent with no spouse present was higher for American Indian children (53 percent) than for children of all other racial/ethnic groups (with the exception of Black and Hispanic children). There were no measurable differences in male versus female poverty rates for children living with a female parent with no spouse present.

Also, in 2010, some 11.8 million children ages 5 to 17 (about 22 percent of the school-age population) spoke a language other than English at home (2.7 million speaking English with difficulty). The percentage who spoke a language other than English at home and spoke English with difficulty was higher for Hispanics (16 percent) and Asians (15 percent) than for Alaska Natives (7 percent), Native Hawaiians/Pacific Islanders (5 percent), American Indians (2 percent), children of two or more races (2 percent), Whites (1 percent), and Blacks (1 percent). No measurable differences were observed between males and females overall. However, higher percentages of Asian and Hispanic males (16 percent each) spoke a language other than English at home and spoke English with difficulty than females (14 and 15 percent, respectively) in their racial/ethnic group. In addition, a higher percentage of Hispanic school-age children born outside of the United States spoke a non-English language at home and spoke English with difficulty than did their counterparts born within the United States (35 vs. 13 percent).

Parents’ Educational Attainment and Involvement in Education

In 2010, about 11 percent of children between the ages of 6 and 18 lived in a household where neither parent had earned at least a high school credential (either a diploma or an equivalency credential such as a General Educational Development [GED] certificate). The percentage of children with parents who had not earned a high school credential was 11 percent for both males and females. Also, no measurable differences by sex within racial/ethnic groups were found at any of the three levels of educational attainment examined (less than high school completion, high school completion,

of males than females had attained a bachelor’s degree by June 2009 (64 vs. 72 percent). Across racial/ethnic groups, the percentages of Black (51 percent) and Hispanic (52 percent) full-time students at 4-year institutions who attained bachelor’s degrees were lower than the percentages of students of two or more races (66 percent), White students (73 percent), and Asian students (76 percent) who attained a bachelor’s degree. The same patterns of attainment across race/ethnicity were observed among both males and females, with the exception of students of two or more races.

The percentage of 2003–04 beginning postsecondary male students who did not persist in their education (i.e., had no degree and were no longer enrolled in a postsecondary institution by June 2009) was higher than that of their female peers (37 vs. 35 percent). This pattern was also observed between White males and White females; however, no measurable difference were observed between males and females of any other racial/ethnic group.

Reasons for Leaving College Without Completing

A higher percentage of male than female students who began at a postsecondary institution in 2003–04 left college by 2004 without completing a degree or certificate program (17 vs. 15 percent). The same pattern was observed between White males and females (17 vs. 14 percent); however, no measurable differences were found between males and females within other racial/ethnic groups. A lower percentage of White males than Black males left in 2004 without completing (17 vs. 22 percent); and the percentage of Asian males who left without completing (9 percent) was lower than the percentages of White males, Hispanic males (19 percent), males of two or more races (20 percent), and Black males. Among 2003–04 beginning postsecondary students who left in 2004 without completing a degree or certificate program, 31 percent reported that they left their institution due to financial reasons, with a higher percentage of males than females reporting financial reasons for leaving (40 vs. 23 percent). The difference between males and females who left due to financial reasons followed a similar pattern for White students, Hispanic students, and students of two or more races.

Remedial Coursework and Other Academic Experiences

In 2007–08, a lower percentage of male than female first-year undergraduates reported that they had taken a remedial course in college (33 vs. 39 percent). This pattern was observed for White, Hispanic, and American Indian/Alaska Native males and females, as well as males and females of two or more races.

Other academic experiences of students during their first 2 or 3 years as undergraduates were also examined. In 2006, higher percentages of males than females had received a grade of incomplete (17 vs. 15 percent), had repeated a course for a higher grade (25 vs. 22 percent), or had withdrawn after the add/drop deadline (33 vs. 29 percent). The percentage of males who had changed their major was not measurably different from the percentage of females who had done so.

Academic and Social Integration

Among 2003–04 beginning postsecondary students who had recently graduated from high school, a lower percentage of male (72 percent) than female (77 percent) students reported that they sometimes or often met with an advisor during their first year of college. Also, a lower percentage of male (33 percent) than female students (37 percent) participated in school clubs in their first year of college. For males, lower percentages of Hispanic (28 percent), Black (29 percent), and White students (34 percent) participated in clubs than did Asian students (43 percent). A higher percentage of male (35 percent) than female students (23 percent) participated in sports during their first year of college. This pattern of sports involvement by sex was also observed for Whites, Blacks, Hispanics, Asians, and students of two or more races. Among male students, lower percentages of beginning Hispanics (23 percent) and Blacks (30 percent) than beginning Whites (38 percent) participated in sports.

College Student Employment

In 2010, approximately 71 percent of undergraduates ages 16 to 24 were employed. A lower percentage of male than female undergraduates were employed (70 vs. 73 percent); however, a higher percentage of males than females worked 35 or more hours per week (22 vs. 17 percent). Within racial/ethnic groups, the percentage of males who were employed was lower than that of females for Whites (76 vs. 79 percent), Blacks (57 vs. 62 percent), and Asians (49 vs. 52 percent). There were no measurable differences between the employment rates of males and females among Hispanics, Native Hawaiians/Pacific Islanders, American Indians, and students of two or more races. White males (76 percent), males of two or more races (72 percent), American Indian males (65 percent), Hispanic males (64 percent), Native Hawaiian/Pacific Islander males (62 percent), and Black males (57 percent) were employed at higher percentages than were Asian males (49 percent). In addition, Hispanic males were employed at a higher percentage than Black males.

Graduation Rates and Degrees Conferred

About 58 percent of all first-time students seeking bachelor’s degrees who started at a 4-year college full time in 2004 completed a bachelor’s degree at that same college within 6 years. A higher percentage of females than males completed bachelor’s degrees within 6 years (61 vs. 56 percent). This pattern held across all racial/ethnic groups, with the greatest difference between Black females and males (a 9 percentage point difference) and the smallest difference between American Indian/Alaska Native females and males (a 3 percentage point difference).



Among males, Asian/Pacific Islanders had the highest percentage completing bachelor’s degrees within 6 years (66 percent), followed by White (59 percent), Hispanic (46 percent), American Indian/Alaska Native (37 percent), and Black males (34 percent).

In 2010, postsecondary degree-granting institutions conferred a total of 3.4 million associate’s, bachelor’s, master’s, and doctor’s degrees. Of this total, 25 percent were associate’s degrees, 49 percent were bachelor’s degrees, 21 percent were master’s degrees, and 5 percent were doctor’s degrees. About 25 percent of all bachelor’s degrees conferred were in science, technology, engineering, or mathematics (STEM) fields of study. A higher percentage of males than females earned bachelor’s degrees in STEM fields (28 vs. 22 percent). This pattern was observed across all racial/ethnic groups, with the greatest difference observed between both Hispanic males and females and Asian/Pacific Islander males and females (a 7 percentage point difference each). The smallest difference was observed between Black males and females (a 2 percentage point difference). Among males, White and American Indian/Alaska Native students earned the same percentage of bachelor’s degrees in STEM fields (27 percent each). A higher percentage of Hispanic than Black male students earned bachelor’s degrees in STEM fields (24 vs. 22 percent).

Related article

You have read this article with the title . You can bookmark this page URL https://universosportinguista.blogspot.com/2012/09/higher-education-gaps-in-access-and.html. Thanks!

Teens Skip a Lot of School, Believe Parents Have No Idea

Regular school attendance is critical to academic success, yet a new report from the Get Schooled Foundation reveals young people are often unaware that skipping even a few days of school can dramatically affect their grades and even decrease their odds of graduating. Further, students who skip a lot of school say their parents could have a big impact on improving their attendance, but for the most part their parents don’t know how often they cut class.

The report, “Skipping to Nowhere,” is based on in-depth interviews with more than 500 teens in 25 cities. The interviews revealed that most students face few or minor immediate consequences for skipping school, and many do not think missing class impacts their grades, their chances of graduating, or whether they’ll attend college. According to the report, more than 80 percent of students who skip school once a week believe it is unlikely they will fall behind in class.

Research shows that student achievement suffers after only five absences. And students who miss more than 10 days of school are more than 20 percent less likely to graduate from high school, and are 25 percent less likely to enroll in college, according to the Everyone Graduates Center at Johns Hopkins University. In fact, a 2011 New York City study suggests that just five absences a year impacts student achievement and college readiness.

Class cutting transcends socioeconomic, racial, and geographic backgrounds. The interviews, conducted by Hart Research, revealed that students who do skip tend to skip a lot: Nearly half (46 percent) of skippers are absent at least part of the day about once a week or more.

These students believe their parents largely don’t know about their skipping habits: 42 percent of students said their parents “never” or “rarely” know when they skip school. This is despite the fact that 65 percent of these same students said their teachers, principals, and others have talked to them about their skipping habits.

The interviews gave students a chance to share why they skip, and what they’re doing when cutting class. More than 61 percent of school skippers find school boring and uninteresting. When they are not in school they are most likely “hanging out with friends” (65 percent). Students offered their ideas on how to change their skipping habits:

1. Make more visible the importance of attendance. Students suggest that if they understood the consequences of their absences, they’d be much less likely to skip.

2. Make school more engaging. Students yearn for a connection between their “real lives” and what they learn in school.

3. Deliver the right message with the right messengers. Parents, a trusted teacher, and a respected artist, athlete, or celebrity can have a dramatic effect on student decision-making when it comes to school attendance.

You have read this article with the title . You can bookmark this page URL https://universosportinguista.blogspot.com/2012/09/teens-skip-lot-of-school-believe.html. Thanks!