Socioeconomic Desegregation Alone Is Not Effective

in Improving Classroom Performance

Although past research has linked academic achievement gains to socioeconomic desegregation in schools, a new analysis reveals some hidden academic and psychological risks of integrating low-income students in schools with predominantly middle- and upper-class student populations that might undercut such achievement gains.
Sociologist Robert Crosnoe of the University of Texas at Austin finds that low-income students were more likely to be enrolled in lower-level math and science courses when they attended schools with mostly middle- and upper-class students, versus schools with low-income student bodies. Likewise, low-income students who attended schools with wealthier student populations were more likely to feel isolated and have negative feelings about themselves. These results were even more pronounced for black and Hispanic students.

Using a sample of low-income public high school students from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health, Crosnoe finds support for the theory that students’ academic success is a function of how they view themselves and how others evaluate them relative to the academic skills and performance of their peers.
Crosnoe argues that achieving statistical representation in schools in not sufficient. He asserts that “desegregation efforts must attend to the social integration of students with lower socioeconomic status, as well as their distribution across courses.”
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Class Divide in Higher Education

Competition for College Admissions Perpetuates Class Divide in Higher Education

Increased competition for college admissions combined with the heightened emphasis on test scores in recent decades has fueled the growth of class inequality in American higher education, according to sociologist Sigal Alon of Tel-Aviv University.
Using data from three nationally representative surveys (National Longitudinal Study of the High School Class of 1972, High School and Beyond, National Education Longitudinal Survey), Alon examines how social class affects college admissions of the high school graduating classes of 1972, 1982 and 1992.

Students from low socioeconomic strata in all three graduating classes were at a marked disadvantage in access to postsecondary education, and this disadvantage increased with college selectivity. Alon finds that the class divide grows during times of high competition in college admissions because privileged high school students are able to adapt to the tightening admissions requirements (i.e., the greater emphasis on test scores), while their underprivileged counterparts are unable to follow suit. This leads to a class-based polarization of test scores, restricting the opportunities of talented underprivileged seniors the most. During periods of declining competition in admissions, Alon finds a convergence in test scores among students of various socioeconomic statuses, leading to a smaller class divide in college enrollment.

“Strides toward equal opportunity in higher education will only be made when the screening tool used in college admissions becomes impervious to training or preparation,” said Alon. She predicts that the momentum for going SAT-optional among liberal arts colleges will fall short of equalizing opportunity as long as privileged youth can adapt to the new screening tool used by institutions to sort the influx of applicants. She suggests that class-based affirmative action is one solution to reduce inequality in admissions to four-year colleges.
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Segregation a strong factor in learning disparities

Racial segregation in the schools is fueling the learning disparity between young black and white children, while out-of-school factors are more important to the growth of social class gaps, according to a study by Emory University sociologist Dennis Condron.

His findings were published in the October issue of the American Sociological Review.

Condron was perplexed by prior research showing that schools narrow the achievement gap among students of varying social classes while widening the gap between black and white students. To tease out possible reasons for this difference, he analyzed data from the Kindergarten Cohort of the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study.

He found that between the fall and spring of first grade, black students' reading and math skills fall almost two months behind those of white students. After controlling for other factors, the data suggested that segregation of schools was a primary driver of this early black-white learning disparity. In contrast, out-of-school factors explained the growth of social class gaps.

"This research adds an important piece to the puzzle of when and why social class and black-white inequalities in academic achievement emerge," says Condron, assistant professor of sociology. "And I hope it raises awareness that social class and black-white achievement gaps come from different sources to some extent. We tend to speak of 'the' achievement gap, but in reality different gaps probably have different sources and require different solutions."

His research also indicated that regardless of social class, black students are less often taught by certified teachers than are white students, and black students are far more likely than white students to attend predominantly minority schools, high-poverty schools and schools located in disadvantaged neighborhoods.

The findings are "a reminder of a persistent problem," Condron says, decades after the 1954 U.S. Supreme Court decision in Brown v. the Board of Education of Topeka struck down state laws establishing separate schools for black and white students.

"De facto segregation remains high these days, with important implications for education," he says. "When it comes to both housing and schools, race trumps class as the central axis upon which blacks and whites are segregated. Real solutions to the black-white achievement gap lie far beyond schools and require changes to society more broadly."
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